A Judge’s Tale by Reuters
By Parisa Hafezi
DUBAI – Like many Iranians, retired judge Mohammad Reza made significant sacrifices to help Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini initiate his Islamic Revolution, enduring torture in prison for distributing leaflets calling for the end of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s long dictatorship.
When Khomeini returned from exile in Paris on February 1, 1979, aboard a special Air France charter, Mohammad Reza was among the throngs of jubilant supporters gathered at Tehran’s Mehrabad International Airport.
"I still remember crying and chanting ‘as the demon left, the angel arrived,’" he recalled during a phone interview from his home in Tehran, opting not to disclose his family name for security reasons.
The revolution that swept Iran 40 years ago this month brought together influential bazaar traders, intellectuals, and people from various social classes against the Shah’s opulent lifestyle, oppressive secret police, and Western-style social and economic reforms.
Iran’s leaders still proclaim the famous slogan "Down with America" from the revolution, often in front of large crowds, but the slogan no longer holds the same appeal for Mohammad Reza and some other aging revolutionaries, who have since become outspoken critics of Iran’s clerical leadership.
First Vice-President Eshaq Jahangiri claimed in a speech this week, marking the revolution’s anniversary, that it brought independence, freedom, and justice to Iran. "Thanks to it, people were able to govern their destiny," he stated.
Mohammad Reza acknowledged that freedom, independence, and social justice were the promises made by Khomeini, but he lamented that such ideals are now dangerous to express openly. "You can get arrested today if you repeat the Imam’s (Khomeini’s) values and goals publicly," he said.
In 2009, when unrest erupted following disputed presidential elections, his grandson Arash was imprisoned and tortured in Tehran’s infamous Evin prison—the same location where Mohammad Reza had been held during the Shah’s regime. "At first, we did not know where he was or if he was alive," he recounted. "I used my connections from the time of the revolution with influential people in the government to locate him."
Iranian officials often assert that protests and dissent against the Islamic Republic are fueled by external enemies looking to undermine it. However, Mohammad Reza expressed that he does not seek another revolution but desires a return to Khomeini’s original revolutionary principles.
During his early career as a judge under Khomeini, he served in underdeveloped areas, hoping to contribute to their prosperity in the newly formed Iran. "I supported the revolution in my own way by helping the poor," he stated.
The walls throughout Iran are adorned with images of Khomeini, and pro-government demonstrators often carry his likeness, reminiscent of the man Mohammad Reza fought to support during the Iran-Iraq War, which resulted in the loss of over a million lives. His son-in-law lost a leg in that conflict. "Whenever the revolution needed me, I was there. My wife and daughters cooked for soldiers during the war," he reflected.
After retiring a decade ago, he opened a small grocery shop. "I know many people who cannot even afford basic goods for their families. They come to my shop, and I give them what they need," he revealed. "We did not conduct the revolution to enrich a select elite."
While authorities acknowledge corruption exists in Iran, they assert that they are addressing the issue. Under decades of Shah’s rule, a significant divide emerged between the affluent and the impoverished, highlighted by ostentatious events like a 1971 party for global leaders in an artificially created oasis.
In the lead-up to the 1979 revolution, Iranians chanted "Death to Shah" as protests grew in force, eventually prompting the Shah and Empress Farah Pahlavi to flee Tehran on January 16, 1979. Today, a fraction of protesters can be heard calling for "Death to Dictator" in demonstrations against the economic hardships they attribute to President Hassan Rouhani, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and the Revolutionary Guards, all of whom have substantial business interests.
Amid ongoing costly proxy engagements in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, Iran’s economy has struggled, especially after the U.S. withdrew from the 2015 nuclear deal and reinstated sanctions. The costs of essential goods have surged, and the value of the rial has plummeted.
In January, Rouhani remarked that Iran is facing its worst economic crisis since the Shah’s ousting. The World Bank projects inflation in Iran to soar to 23.8 percent for the 2018-19 period, up from 9.6 percent the previous year, and then to 31.2 percent in 2019-20.
Last year, the Iranian government suppressed protests over poor living standards across more than 80 cities, marking one of the most significant challenges to clerical authority since the 2009 protests. Khamenei attributed the unrest to "enemies of the Islamic Republic."
Although sporadic protests continue regarding unpaid wages and other grievances, they are not comparable in scale to the previous year’s demonstrations. Mohammad Reza expressed empathy toward the demonstrators, noting, "Their wages weren’t paid. They cannot afford their rents."
Living with his wife and two daughters and their families in a small home in southern Tehran, he feels nostalgic for the hope-filled early days of the revolution that ended centuries of monarchy. However, he also notes that more than three-quarters of Iran’s 85 million population are under 30 years old, a generation less influenced by the revolutionary ideals that fundamentally support the clerical regime.
"When I see how this system is alienating our young generation from Islam and the core values of the revolution, I feel sad and desperate," he lamented.