Forced Closure of Weekly Publications Marks the End for Russia’s Independent Print Media

By Lucy Papachristou

LONDON (Reuters) – Historically, the staff of the Moscow weekly Sobesednik celebrated its anniversary with a party each February. However, on its 40th birthday this year, journalists found themselves gathered uneasily in the editorial offices of the Russian capital.

In a separate room sat a colonel from the obscure branch of Russia’s interior ministry, the Centre for Combating Extremism, summoning reporters individually for questioning, as recalled by editor-in-chief Oleg Roldugin.

The day prior, Sobesednik, whose name translates to “interlocutor” or “conversation partner,” had published a two-page feature on opposition leader Alexei Navalny’s death, including an extensive obituary and coverage of spontaneous memorials held in his honor throughout Moscow. A smiling photo of Navalny graced the front page with the caption, “… but there is hope!”

Navalny, a prominent opposition figure, had died under mysterious circumstances in an Arctic prison colony, where he was incarcerated on numerous charges he claimed were fabricated. In Russia, even mentioning Navalny’s name poses a risk of criminal sanctions.

Fortunately for Sobesednik, no significant consequences followed the publication. Although the print run containing Navalny’s coverage was seized, new editions continued to be produced and distributed.

However, in mid-September, Roldugin received news he had long feared: authorities designated the paper’s publisher as a “foreign agent,” a Soviet-era label that imposes stringent financial reporting requirements on 865 other individuals and organizations.

The Russian government insists that its foreign agents law, first enacted in 2012, is vital for safeguarding its institutions from foreign influence, claiming similarities to the U.S. Foreign Agents Registration Act. Roldugin was concerned that advertisers would withdraw, and that each article would need a preface indicating its publisher’s status as a foreign agent.

Within days of receiving the “foreign agent” designation, Sobesednik announced it would suspend publication. Roldugin expressed frustration, stating, “It would be impossible to read… The paper would need to be sold sealed and labeled ’18+’, like pornography, because we did journalism instead of propaganda. It’s impossible to carry on.”

The end of Sobesednik, the last independent print newspaper in Russia, reflects a wider trend. Under President Vladimir Putin’s nearly 25-year administration, most independent media outlets have faced closure or been forced into exile, leaving state media to strictly echo government narratives.

In interviews, former correspondents reminisced fondly about the paper, which had a print run of approximately 154,000 earlier this year. Many attributed its longevity to its independence, as Sobesednik never operated under a single owner, unlike its contemporaries.

“The independent press always has one role – to confirm or refute the reader’s secret thoughts, to instill in him the feeling that he is not alone,” stated poet and literary critic Dmitry Bykov, who began writing for the paper in its inaugural year as a journalism student. Bykov later served as an editor and contributed around 3,000 articles on various topics.

Sobesednik offered a source of stability in a country dominated by state media, where independent online media can only be accessed via a VPN to bypass internet censorship. Bykov noted that many Russians had read Sobesednik throughout their adult lives, and its closure meant the loss of a “constant, sincere, unobtrusive, and well-informed conversation partner.”

The onset of the Ukraine war imposed additional restrictions on Russia’s independent press, criminalizing criticism of the military and penalizing those who disseminate information deemed “fake news” about the conflict. Yet, operating an independent newspaper in Russia was never straightforward. Sobesednik, known for quickly tackling controversial stories, became well acquainted with these challenges.

“We were regularly sued,” Bykov said, noting the frequency of lawsuits, particularly against Moscow’s mayor from 1992 to 2010 and more so under Putin.

Ilya Davlyatchin, an investigative reporter at Sobesednik from 2020 until last year, observed that the government’s hostility toward independent media began to severely impact the newspaper financially during his tenure.

The Russian Postal Service increased distribution costs, while some newsstands refused to carry the paper. As financial pressures mounted, staff had to relocate to smaller offices, and by September, only five reporters remained.

“Sobesednik returned to what the paper had started out as – almost underground,” Davlyatchin remarked, having departed the paper and the country after being labeled a foreign agent.

For his part, Roldugin remains hopeful that Sobesednik may one day return to publication. In its final edition, the newspaper’s customary closing line still read, “Thank you for reading us, see you in a week!”