Even Behind Bars, El Chapo’s ‘Robin Hood’ Aura Shines in Mexico’s Drug Capital

By Dave Graham

In Culiacan, the capital of Sinaloa—Mexico’s drug trafficking epicenter—admiration for the imprisoned kingpin Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman remains strong despite government efforts to combat cartel violence. Guzman, once the most wanted man in the country, is currently on trial in a New York federal court, facing the possibility of spending his final years in prison after an extraordinary criminal career that made him a notorious figure.

The government claims it has made strides in containing Guzman’s Sinaloa Cartel, supported by military reinforcements. In 2018, the year following Guzman’s extradition to the U.S., the murder rate in Sinaloa dropped significantly—recording the lowest number of homicides since data collection began over two decades ago—contrary to the nationwide trend of escalating violence.

However, skepticism toward government initiatives runs deep in this region, which features both remote mountain villages and sunny coastal areas and has produced many of Mexico’s most notorious drug lords. Some locals argue that the cartel has played a role in stabilizing the situation.

In Culiacan, stark contrasts between wealth and poverty are evident, yet support for Guzman persists. Antonio Pinzon, a 45-year-old farm worker, expressed this sentiment while visiting a chapel dedicated to folk saint Jesus Malverde, suggesting that Guzman acts as a protector of the people in ways the police fail to do. By comparing Guzman to Malverde—a Robin Hood-like figure—Pinzon echoed sentiments shared by many residents, local politicians, and experts.

Guzman’s origins trace back to a humble mountain village in Sinaloa, where opium and marijuana cultivation have roots dating back to the early 20th century. He began his rise within the Mexican underworld in the 1980s as older criminal figures lost influence. Captured in 1993, Guzman escaped from prison eight years later and solidified his grip on the drug trade, eventually earning a spot on Forbes’ list of billionaires through outright elimination of rivals and manipulation of officials.

Experts contend that the enormous revenue generated by the cartel has given it a level of power that local governments are hesitant to confront, fostering a prevailing view of political corruption. A senior politician from the region noted that electoral success is nearly impossible without the approval of drug lords.

Despite ongoing skepticism, Cristobal Castaneda, Sinaloa’s public security minister, insists that the government is committed to tackling all criminal organizations equally. While nationwide homicide rates soared by a third to over 33,000 last year, Sinaloa witnessed a nearly 20% decline in murders, with a total of 1,072—representing just 3.2% of the national total.

As Guzman’s notoriety has grown, depictions of him in television series like “Narcos” have raised concerns among officials about romanticizing his image. Castaneda lamented that such portrayals “exalt the criminal” rather than the authorities tasked with upholding the law.

After evading capture for over a decade, Guzman was apprehended again in 2014. In a public relations setback for the government, he escaped through a mile-long tunnel in July 2015, only to be recaptured six months later. Extradited in January 2017, he has since been tried for smuggling cocaine and heroin into the U.S., with a verdict anticipated soon.

Witnesses have testified about his extensive bribery of officials and allegations of ordering murders. However, Guzman’s defense team claims that the real power behind the Sinaloa Cartel lies with his associate Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada, portraying Guzman as a scapegoat.

While many in Sinaloa acknowledge Guzman’s pivotal role, they also recognize Zambada’s significant influence. Manuel Clouthier, a former federal congressman from Culiacan, stated that when Guzman was arrested, the cartel’s operations continued unimpeded because Zambada was still in control.

Since Guzman’s capture, Zambada has continued to strengthen the cartel’s presence, leveraging diversification into various criminal activities and capitalizing on the ongoing demand for new drugs. As rivals face setbacks, the cartel’s business has reportedly grown by 15 to 20 percent.

Zambada’s leadership has also contributed to a decrease in violence, according to local residents. One bookseller, Ismael, nostalgically spoke of Guzman, recognizing his involvement in illegal activities while referring to him as a “magnificent person” whose fate in the U.S. is unfortunate.

Castaneda stated that Sinaloa would ideally require over 9,000 police officers to restore order—more than double its current number—but mentioned that drug traffickers have become more discreet in their operations.

At a cemetery in Culiacan, known for its extravagant tombs housing fallen drug lords, workers revealed that Guzman’s absence has not diminished their business. Carpenter Santiago Rojo noted, “We’ve got lots of work,” as he completed a lavish mausoleum for one of the deceased.

According to former lawmaker Clouthier, up to 40 percent of Culiacan’s economy is bolstered by illicit funds. The Sinaloa Cartel has become adept at laundering money through legitimate channels, and the ease of cash transactions remains prevalent. Vendors in a central market openly trade U.S. dollars below market rates—a practice that many believe aids money laundering.

Despite periodic police raids, a dollar seller named Juan noted that the number of such trading stalls has doubled in the past three years. The influence of Guzman lingers in this vibrant economy—references to the character in the popular Spanish novel “La Reina del Sur” and subsequent adaptations continue to resonate, illustrating the complex relationship between crime and culture in this region.